Sudanese newspapers need an overhaul to restore credibility by putting a stop to unethical practices.

In the offices of a local newspaper, a reporter was recently overheard speaking into his cell phone loudly enough for everyone in his midst to hear: “I’m not doing the story unless I know how much they’re offering,” he said. Raising his voice, he added, “No sir, I won’t repeat my last mistake; it was too little money, so if they want us to cover this tour they should tell us from the start how much they’ll pay or I won’t go.”

This type of coverage-for-hire is just one illustration of a glaring lack of ethics in Sudanese journalism. The payment for news reports, interviews and opinion columns in local newspapers is no secret. Corruption has become entrenched in everyday reporting to such an extent that it’s now the subject of public debate.

Even if government restrictions on press freedom are lifted, journalism in Sudan could use a makeover. © Hassan Farouk

According to a prominent newspaperman who wished to remain anonymous, a large number of publishers and chief editors are behind these unethical practices.

Special interest representatives sometimes target individual journalists directly, away from the management. In the absence of a clear editorial policy on this subject, consent is usually granted to reporters to accept such invitations, even when it’s apparent the resulting articles may well resemble public relations handouts more than factual news articles.

“Newspaper managers basically rent out their reporters to anyone who comes to them, be it a political party, a governmental agency, an institution or a company.”   - Anonymous journalist

Chief editors usually sanction such junkets, the source explained, because the newspaper pays nothing to send a journalist into the field. “The result is a rush of reporters into the arms of these parties that cover all their expenses,” he said.

Two documented examples illustrate the deterioration of journalistic standards in the Sudanese capital.

I. We pay your way, so we buy your words

In March 2007, Khaled Fatehy, formerly with the daily al-Sahafa, accompanied a government delegation on a trip to northern Sudan. One of their stops was Kajbar, where the construction of a controversial dam project had recently triggered bloody unrest.

A public gathering with the regional governor was on the verge of becoming a violent confrontation between police and protesters when the situation was contained by the chief of police. But the atmosphere was still tense, and citizens gave the visiting officials a hostile reception. In an effort to calm the crowd, the governor told the gathering, “We came with an open heart to start a new chapter.”

Fatehy was later chastised for doing his job as he saw fit: reporting events the way they occurred.

“I made sure to communicate the scene as it was without any omission or addition,” he said, “but the next day, some of the senior members of the delegation accused me of exaggerating what happened, and that by doing so, I might contribute to a failure of their initiative by fanning the flames of discontent.”

Fatehy said he felt ostracized by the officials, who eventually stopped speaking to him.

“The lesson that I’ve learned from this experience is that  reporters should never travel with any party, because when it foots the bill, their ability to convey the facts freely and honestly is compromised,” said Fatehy.

II. Toe the line or be fired

Some newspapers rate their journalists according to how closely they adhere to their employers’ editorial alliance with the governing regime, or a certain institution, company or individual. Those who stray can be arbitrarily dismissed from their jobs or forced to resign.

In one recent incident, the daily al-Ray al-Aam fired a number of its staff reporters. In a recent phone conversation, Mohammad Abdul-Qader, deputy chief editor, denied their dismissal had anything to do with their politics.

Describing the 66 year-old paper as “distinguished,” Abdul-Qader insisted that al-Ray al-Aam evaluated its journalists’ progress according to their skills, capabilities and potential.

“The newspaper’s creed is based on encouraging diversity,” he said. “We haven’t fired any journalists because of their attitudes.”

While he admitted to suspending the reporters, he refused to name the reason. He referred to the action as a “reshuffle,” adding they represented different political backgrounds including the ruling National Congress Party, the left, and independent movements.

Self-aggrandisement, conflicts of interest and bias

Personal ties with members of the business community, political parties or other ventures often get in the way of factual reporting in Khartoum.

“In general, there’s evidence of a serious overlap in journalism between advertisement and questionable relationships,” said Haitham Capo, chief editor of the daily Fenoon. “For example, certain stories of public concern are not published because they might hurt the standing of our advertising clients.”

At another paper, a journalist who did not want his name used said his chief editor regularly criticises his reporting staff while taking sole credit for the success of the publication, even though the paper is 16 pages in length.

“Such editors climb on the backs of correspondents and build  personal glory through our efforts,” he said. “This kind of star mentality is incompatible with the practice of good journalism.”

The role of the media is far greater than merely disseminating honest news. Journalists should personify professional integrity, a sense of justice and unbiased observation. Instead, Sudanese journalism is mired in censorship and favouritism.

Meanwhile, the truth about any given issue, which it is our job to uncover, becomes all the more elusive.

But there is hope that we will revive the long-forgotten values of our trade and make our profession respectable once again. The stakes are high, as the words of the early 20th century poet Ahmad Shawqi remind us: “Nations are nothing without ethics; once they are gone, nations will follow.”

Journalists and rights activists have expressed concern about diminishing press freedom in Sudan.

Reporters attribute their pessimism to what they call a “coup” against public liberties. Chief among their concerns is the press freedom that was stipulated in the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), whose duration concluded with South Sudan’s independence that took effect on 9 July.

In the starkest example, the National Council for Press and Publications closed down six newspapers (five published in English, one in Arabic), citing a law that prohibits shareholders of foreign origin. Some of the newspapers have affiliations with South Sudanese, whom Khartoum now classifies as foreign citizens.

The suspended publications include the Khartoum Monitor, The Juba Post, the Sudan Tribune, The Advocate, The Democrat and Ajras al-Hurriya. A seventh newspaper, al-Ahdath, was seized by security personnel on the weekend without explanation.

The closures have been heavily criticised by members of the media in Khartoum.

Faisal Mohammed Saleh, Teeba Press. Photo: Deutsche Welle / K. Danetzki. (courtesy SudanVotes)

Faisal Mohammed Saleh, a writer and journalist, warns against “further repression and suppression of press freedom,” referring to “an attempted coup” to quash liberties that prevailed during the transitional period of the last six years.

A number of indicators reflect a decline in press freedom at the hands of the ruling National Congress Party (NCP), he said. Foremost among them is a planned amendment to the press law of 2009.

“We hoped the law would include more reforms rather than backing away from them,” he said.

Saleh refers to an “ill will” on the part of authorities who closed down the newspapers, despite legal justifications.

“The law does not allow press institutions to have foreign shareholders,” he explained. “The ill will in the enforcement of this law is evidenced in the suspension of the six newspapers just one day before the declaration of the south’s secession, under the pretext that the shareholders are foreigners.”

He pointed out that Khartoum and Juba had agreed on a period of nine months to settle arrangements regarding the citizenship status of South Sudanese.

Professor Ali Shummo, chair of the National Council for Press and Publications, said his agency was not involved in the decision to suspend the newspapers partially owned by southerners.

“The resolution was issued by the government,” he said, “the council only implemented it.” He denied that press freedom is under any threat in Sudan.

But according to Saleh, a number of Sudanese journalists are in detention. One of them has been in custody for nine months without trial. Another who was sentenced to prison and already completed his term has not yet been released.

Saleh condemned judicial pressure on journalists, saying that the period following the south’s secession has seen an unprecedented number of legal actions against journalists and newspapers, including some carried out by security forces.

The only positive sign, he added, is a movement of resistance represented by the Sudanese Journalists’ Network.

Arbitrary Rules

Illustration by Khaled Bay (courtesy SudanVotes)

Adel al-Baz, chief editor of the daily al-Ahdath, links Sudan’s diminishing press freedom with recent political developments.

“If political events take an unstable and confrontational course, the press comes under pressure,” he said. “But if the situation becomes stable, press freedom will resume as it was during the transitional period.”

Referring to an “arbitrary use of law and power,” al-Baz has condemned the newspapers’ closure, saying it was completely unnecessary.

Fears of Censorship  

Amira al-Jaali, a reporter at the English daily The Citizen, one of the suspended publications, expressed doubts about the future of press freedom in Sudan and said she anticipated the return of newspaper censorship.

“The margin of freedom provided by (the 2005 peace agreement) will be reduced to a minimum and is likely to erode,” she said, because of the “lack of genuine conviction” on the part of Khartoum authorities.

“The return of censorship could mean liberal journalists might quit their profession and look for safer jobs elsewhere,” she added.

Less breathing room

Anwar Awad, the deputy editor-in-chief of the daily al-Akhbar, said worsening economic conditions also present a serious threat to newspapers’ survival.

These are aggravated by the state’s monopoly on advertising and distribution operations, he added, which contributed to economic hardship when workers placed under constraints were not paid their salaries on time.

Awad criticized governmental “indifference” for ongoing violations of press freedom in Sudan. He has accused the General Union of Sudanese Journalists of “vehemently seeking to amend the press and publications law, while keeping journalists’ registration in order to collect their fees.”

At the National Council for Press and Publications, Professor Shummo said the closure of the newspapers does not imply a cancellation of their operating licenses, adding there is still a chance to resolve the papers’ status “if the government agrees to it.”

The closure of six Sudanese newspapers represents another blow to press freedom, according to media watchdog organisations.

On 27 July, the Sudanese National Council for Press and Publications revoked the license of the daily newspaper Ajras Al-Hurriya.

Only days after South Sudan’s independence, Khartoum authorities froze publications of the Khartoum Monitor, the Juba Post, Sudan Tribune, The Advocate and The Democrat. The reason given was that publishers are required to be Sudanese citizens, and South Sudanese are now considered “foreigners” according to law.

Ajras al-Hurriya (“Bells of Freedom”) had already suspended its daily publication just before South Sudan’s secession because one of the shareholders of the company is a southerner.

The Cairo-based Arabic Network for Human Rights Information said the decision to halt publication of the Sudanese newspapers “has to be reviewed by (Khartoum) authorities.”

Interpretations of the closure range from mere respect of legal regulations to blatant censorship.

According to Al-Obeid Meruh, secretary-general of the Press Council, it has nothing to do with a decision to restrict press freedom. “The 2009 press act does not allow foreigners to be a part of the ownership of newspapers,” he told Agence France-Presse (AFP).

But to a journalist who wished to remain anonymous, that’s too simple an explanation. “It seems the council was not aware of this clause in the press act; now they’ve discovered it after twenty days of suspension,” she said.

Authorities revoked the operating license of the daily Ajras al-Hurriya and five other dailies because they are partially owned by South Sudanese citizens. © Zeinab Mohammed Saleh (courtesy SudanVotes))

“The decision of the council is wrong,” said Nabeel Adeeb, a lawyer. “The council has no right to revoke the license of a newspaper.”

Only when the newspaper has committed any violations does the court have the right to close down a publication, he explained. “The (Press) council is not independent because it had orders.”

Al-Hurriya has been suspended more than 12 times since its first publication.

Photo by: Hassan Farouk

“The letter to withdraw the license came only after (the council) imposed impossible conditions for re-certification, which confirms the bad faith by the board and the government,” Adeeb said.

All of the dailies shut down have links to South Sudan. Hussein Saad, Ajras Al-Hurriya’s managing director, said the closure of his paper is a purely political move; others call it “racist.”

“It is because the paper is close to the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) and the (Sudanese) opposition,” he told AFP.

(source: Al Jazeera English; Some rights reserved: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/2.0/)

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I came across a video from a blog that is filled with independence wishes from Sudanese people from the north who offer their wishes and thoughts about the division of their country with the separation of the south and the independence of the Republic of South Sudan. Here it is below.

During a question in Part 5 of the videos about the separation of Sudan, Galloway replies:

I think that the separation of Sudan into north and south is very much to be regretted. I think that a big job was done on Sudan to try and undermine it and weaken it by—Israel by the West—over many years. Supported the secessionist tendencies, which always existed in the south. And this job intensified when Sudan discovered that it were sitting upon a huge ocean of oil. And worse, oil that it had already sold to the People’s Republic of China rather than on the international oil market, priced in dollars.

So, I very much regret that Sudan is now two but we have to accept it. There was a plebiscite. It was overwhelming. The south has now broken away and I can only wish them well. I Hope that they are governed justly and democratically and that their people prosper. But in general, I’m against breaking up countries. I think in the world today, we should be seeking more and more unity amongst peoples rather than separation and separatism. It’s one of the reasons I’m against Scottish separation, and I’m standing in the Scottish parliament elections the 5th of May in a few weeks time on exactly that platform to see what the people’s verdict is.

The entire conference was recorded on video and is included below in 5 segments.

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Part 1

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Part 2

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Part 3 (Questions & Answers)

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Part 4 (Questions & Answers)

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Part 5 (Questions & Answers)

(source: Southern Sudan Referendum Commission & Southern Sudan Referendum Bureau)

As expected, a near unanimous choice for independence was cast by the more than 3.8 million voters who voted 98.83% for secession. The Governments of Sudan and Southern Sudan now have until July 9 — when the declaration of independence is scheduled — to negotiate through a series of unresolved issues.

On January 27, I spoke with Bonifacio Taban Kuich, a reporter based in the Southern Sudanese town of Bentiu in the heart of oil the producing region of Unity State. His reporting can be read at the Sudan Tribune as well as on Voice of America. He tells us about the situation in Unity state: the return of over 100,000 internally displaced people (IDPs) from Khartoum and elsewhere; the military buildup of SAF and SPLA troops in the border regions; the reactions to the referendum results of northern merchants living in the south and of southern oil workers; and other issues affecting Unity State.

The following audio report podcast taken from the interview was aired Wednesday, February 2 during weekly the African Issues show, Amandla on Montréal’s CKUT Radio 90.3 FM.

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According to the Southern Sudan Referendum Commission, 3,755,512 voters registered in Southern Sudan, while 116,857 voters registered in Northern Sudan and another 60,219 voters registered in 8 designated out-of-country locations (Australia, Canada, Egypt, Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda, the UK and the USA.)  According to reports like this one, the 60% voter participation threshold was reached on the third day of voting, thereby validating the process.

(Children pose beside a damaged water tanker outside of a school in Abyei, April 2009)

SouthSudanInfo.net’s blogger, David Widgington, spoke with Montréal broadcaster, Gwendolyn Schulman, on the CKUT weekly (Wed. 7-8pm) radio show about African issues, Amandla. In the recording below, Gwen and David discuss the following unresolved issues 1) the border demarcation between north and south, including Abyei; 2) Sharing of oil revenue and infrastructure; 3) the management of the Nile floodwaters; 4) citizenship, right to return and security; 5) repayment of the Sudan national debt.

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PODCAST

How are our journalists and our children being treated?

(Are we taking our responsibilities for our children and journalists seriously? ©McKulka UNMIS, courtesy Sudanvotes)

It has taken quite some time for us to dig any information from our local politicians all over the country. Sudan in general is a special case, since the country has two ruling systems of governance. That is to say the Government of National Unity (GONU) headed by the National Congress Party (NCP) – the so called Khartoum government,  which is the umbrella of all systems of governance in Sudan and the Government of Southern Sudan (GoSS) is led by the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM).

My question is: Are war torn countries like Sudan giving hands of assistance and respect to their journalists to operate during this fourthcoming election in April 2010? I can say that yet there are some difficulties that would face the journalists to contribute to the conduct of free and fair elections. Through my experiences from interviewing Sudanese politicians, be it from NCP or SPLM, it is like the beginning of building a house where some sweat is required before making a good foundation.

I remember one time I was trying to interview the Governor of Unity State, Brigadier Taban Deng Gai, on the arrest of Pagan Amum and Yaser Arman by the Khartoum government. The Governor said he did not need to be interviewed, but instead grabbed my recorder and began to talk. Then he told me to go and play it on the radio.

Take for example Unity State, where people’s rights have been buried by the politicians, as seen in the SPLM candidates’ nomination. Instead people should select their own candidates to stand for whatever position the citizens wish him/her to contest, but SPLM has monopolised the system and come up with their own candidates without consultation with the civilians. The right of civilians has been denied by the so called SPLM Political Bureau. Let’s take also the example when Dr Joseph Nguen Monytuil defeated Governor Taban Deng Gai during the SPLM grassroots election in 2008 and became the party’s State Chairman. He also won the Electoral College nomination contest for the upcoming April 2010.

But see what happened: Governor Taban had to rush to the top, direct to the President of GOSS Salva Kiir to ask him to contest once more for the post of governorship in Unity State. If the Electoral College is not respected by the ruling GOSS government, it is unlikely that the rights of expression of journalists wil be respected.

So why do we lie to international governments and organisations that we are practicing democracy, while on the ground we are not applying it or implementing it with the people?

Currently in Unity State only the seated government is given the right to express their interests on public radio while leaving the other parties stranded and unheard. The local journalists are given instructions clearly to restrict freedom of speech, whether they like it or not.  But what do such restrictions bring to journalists?  It brings a big shame to professional journalism as there should be equal rights to practice freedom of expression in our society. It means that a democratic kind of government has not yet been reached by the Sudanese people and it seems is not being aspired to by the South Sudanese Government.  So why do we lie to international governments and organisations that we are practicing democracy, while on the ground we are not applying it or implementing it with the people?

When we talk about Sudan it is still so far from the globalised world in which other countries have known the roles of journalism and the rights of journalists. Again once more I remember one time I was trying to interview the Governor of Unity State, Brigadier Taban Deng Gai, on the arrest of Pagan Amum and Yaser Arman by the Khartoum government. The governor said he did not need to be interviewed, but instead grabbed my recorder and began to talk. Then he told me to go and play it on the radio. See that, do they respect our values as journalists? To be sincere, we need our freedom to be known by our government, both in Northern and Southern Sudan.