War child is a story of a child who went to war, not a child born with the war within him. Emmanuel Jal was seven years old when he leapt at the opportunity to go to school in Ethiopia; after losing his mother, being sent to war by his father, surviving a boat capsize in the River Nile and march across the Sahara desert, Emmanuel finally begins the education he has watched his comrades die seeking. He could have written a terrifyingly dramatic book based on these events alone, but instead Emmanuel Jal chose to tell us his whole story, of which this was only the beginning.

If you’ve read Lance Armstrong’s autobiography, you’ll know just how one individual’s battle for survival can convince you that the mind is capable of overcoming absolutely anything. Emmanuel Jal spends his childhood and adolescent years growing up in the refugee camps of Ethiopia,  a military prison, the bush, the desert and the slums of Nairobi believing that if he just keeps on trooping and ‘taking every opportunity that came may way’  he will eventually be in the position to take revenge on Jallabas, his ‘Arab enemy’.  He is a bright kid, learning that by making his seniors laugh he can gain favours and that by obeying commands he can forget his past, his home, his family and fight for a future.

The irony of this attitude is that it is not until he meets Emma McClune, a British aid worker who plays life by morals, not rules, that he learns the only way to achieve anything for his home country is to re-learn how to love and to forgive and to lay down his gun forever.  From dreams of flying a Nyanking, the aeroplane whose name meant ‘daughter of the king’, on behalf of Sudan in the war between North and South, he begins to dream of a peaceful land, in which families, torn apart by the war, meet once more, and in which every child is blessed by his ‘guardian angel’ Emma McClune with the chance to go to school.

What is so amazing about this book is that we do not need to finish it to know that his dream came true; that is to say, his dream was real and what he envisioned is today part of the reality. This is not just an autobiography; it is a socio-political account of the situation in South Sudan over the past thirty-two years; an illustration of the psychology of the human mind; a story of rags to riches; and testimony to the saying that ‘if you can believe it, the mind can achieve it’.

It would go against the faith in which this book was written to recommend it for anybody in particular, because this it is a book about life in all its completeness and anybody who reads it with an open heart will learn to love Jal, to love everyone and everything that he meets and to believe in the magic of life.

Part 2 : This month the Israeli government began a new program insentivizing South Sudanese refugees to return back to South Sudan or face deportation at the end of March. This decision came at the heels of a diplomatic visit by the newly-formed government of South Sudan, made of the rebel groups whose fight for freedom Israel has long supported by being one of the only nations to sell them weapons. Refusing to investigate individual asylum seekers’ claims for refugee status, Israel claims it does not owe them the protections enshrined in the 1951 Convention on the Rights of Refugees. The Real News’ Lia Tarachansky speaks with homeless refugees in the park where most live once they’re released from detention, to Ran Cohen, the Director of Physicians for Human Rights, and Nic Schlagman, the Humanitarian Coordinator of the African Refugee Development Center.

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Here is Part 1 of the story: Israel to become biggest jailer of refugees: On January 11th the Israeli parliament passed an amendment to the so- called “Infiltrators Law”. This revision allows the authorities to automatically imprison asylum seekers for three years. The plan includes constructing a 10,000 person jail to house the refugees. According to Amnesty International, this puts Israel at the top of the Western World for length of imprisonment of refugees. Today Israel is home to nearly 50,000 asylum seekers from Africa, 85% of whom are from Eritrea and Sudan. The Real News’ Lia Tarachansky spoke to Nic Schlagman and Johannes Bayu of the African Refugee Development Center, Ran Cohen of Physicians for Human Rights, and “Ibrahim”, an Eritrean asylum seeker in Israel for ten years.

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Lia Tarachansky is a Middle East correspondent for The Real News Network. She’s been based with TRNN in Toronto, Washington D.C., and Israel/Palestine. Lia works on two series, ‘Israel and International Law’ and ‘Who benefits from the Israeli occupation?’. She is currently filming her first documentary, Seven Deadly Myths (Israel/Palestine/Canada)

Sudanese newspapers need an overhaul to restore credibility by putting a stop to unethical practices.

In the offices of a local newspaper, a reporter was recently overheard speaking into his cell phone loudly enough for everyone in his midst to hear: “I’m not doing the story unless I know how much they’re offering,” he said. Raising his voice, he added, “No sir, I won’t repeat my last mistake; it was too little money, so if they want us to cover this tour they should tell us from the start how much they’ll pay or I won’t go.”

This type of coverage-for-hire is just one illustration of a glaring lack of ethics in Sudanese journalism. The payment for news reports, interviews and opinion columns in local newspapers is no secret. Corruption has become entrenched in everyday reporting to such an extent that it’s now the subject of public debate.

Even if government restrictions on press freedom are lifted, journalism in Sudan could use a makeover. © Hassan Farouk

According to a prominent newspaperman who wished to remain anonymous, a large number of publishers and chief editors are behind these unethical practices.

Special interest representatives sometimes target individual journalists directly, away from the management. In the absence of a clear editorial policy on this subject, consent is usually granted to reporters to accept such invitations, even when it’s apparent the resulting articles may well resemble public relations handouts more than factual news articles.

“Newspaper managers basically rent out their reporters to anyone who comes to them, be it a political party, a governmental agency, an institution or a company.”   - Anonymous journalist

Chief editors usually sanction such junkets, the source explained, because the newspaper pays nothing to send a journalist into the field. “The result is a rush of reporters into the arms of these parties that cover all their expenses,” he said.

Two documented examples illustrate the deterioration of journalistic standards in the Sudanese capital.

I. We pay your way, so we buy your words

In March 2007, Khaled Fatehy, formerly with the daily al-Sahafa, accompanied a government delegation on a trip to northern Sudan. One of their stops was Kajbar, where the construction of a controversial dam project had recently triggered bloody unrest.

A public gathering with the regional governor was on the verge of becoming a violent confrontation between police and protesters when the situation was contained by the chief of police. But the atmosphere was still tense, and citizens gave the visiting officials a hostile reception. In an effort to calm the crowd, the governor told the gathering, “We came with an open heart to start a new chapter.”

Fatehy was later chastised for doing his job as he saw fit: reporting events the way they occurred.

“I made sure to communicate the scene as it was without any omission or addition,” he said, “but the next day, some of the senior members of the delegation accused me of exaggerating what happened, and that by doing so, I might contribute to a failure of their initiative by fanning the flames of discontent.”

Fatehy said he felt ostracized by the officials, who eventually stopped speaking to him.

“The lesson that I’ve learned from this experience is that  reporters should never travel with any party, because when it foots the bill, their ability to convey the facts freely and honestly is compromised,” said Fatehy.

II. Toe the line or be fired

Some newspapers rate their journalists according to how closely they adhere to their employers’ editorial alliance with the governing regime, or a certain institution, company or individual. Those who stray can be arbitrarily dismissed from their jobs or forced to resign.

In one recent incident, the daily al-Ray al-Aam fired a number of its staff reporters. In a recent phone conversation, Mohammad Abdul-Qader, deputy chief editor, denied their dismissal had anything to do with their politics.

Describing the 66 year-old paper as “distinguished,” Abdul-Qader insisted that al-Ray al-Aam evaluated its journalists’ progress according to their skills, capabilities and potential.

“The newspaper’s creed is based on encouraging diversity,” he said. “We haven’t fired any journalists because of their attitudes.”

While he admitted to suspending the reporters, he refused to name the reason. He referred to the action as a “reshuffle,” adding they represented different political backgrounds including the ruling National Congress Party, the left, and independent movements.

Self-aggrandisement, conflicts of interest and bias

Personal ties with members of the business community, political parties or other ventures often get in the way of factual reporting in Khartoum.

“In general, there’s evidence of a serious overlap in journalism between advertisement and questionable relationships,” said Haitham Capo, chief editor of the daily Fenoon. “For example, certain stories of public concern are not published because they might hurt the standing of our advertising clients.”

At another paper, a journalist who did not want his name used said his chief editor regularly criticises his reporting staff while taking sole credit for the success of the publication, even though the paper is 16 pages in length.

“Such editors climb on the backs of correspondents and build  personal glory through our efforts,” he said. “This kind of star mentality is incompatible with the practice of good journalism.”

The role of the media is far greater than merely disseminating honest news. Journalists should personify professional integrity, a sense of justice and unbiased observation. Instead, Sudanese journalism is mired in censorship and favouritism.

Meanwhile, the truth about any given issue, which it is our job to uncover, becomes all the more elusive.

But there is hope that we will revive the long-forgotten values of our trade and make our profession respectable once again. The stakes are high, as the words of the early 20th century poet Ahmad Shawqi remind us: “Nations are nothing without ethics; once they are gone, nations will follow.”

Journalists and rights activists have expressed concern about diminishing press freedom in Sudan.

Reporters attribute their pessimism to what they call a “coup” against public liberties. Chief among their concerns is the press freedom that was stipulated in the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), whose duration concluded with South Sudan’s independence that took effect on 9 July.

In the starkest example, the National Council for Press and Publications closed down six newspapers (five published in English, one in Arabic), citing a law that prohibits shareholders of foreign origin. Some of the newspapers have affiliations with South Sudanese, whom Khartoum now classifies as foreign citizens.

The suspended publications include the Khartoum Monitor, The Juba Post, the Sudan Tribune, The Advocate, The Democrat and Ajras al-Hurriya. A seventh newspaper, al-Ahdath, was seized by security personnel on the weekend without explanation.

The closures have been heavily criticised by members of the media in Khartoum.

Faisal Mohammed Saleh, Teeba Press. Photo: Deutsche Welle / K. Danetzki. (courtesy SudanVotes)

Faisal Mohammed Saleh, a writer and journalist, warns against “further repression and suppression of press freedom,” referring to “an attempted coup” to quash liberties that prevailed during the transitional period of the last six years.

A number of indicators reflect a decline in press freedom at the hands of the ruling National Congress Party (NCP), he said. Foremost among them is a planned amendment to the press law of 2009.

“We hoped the law would include more reforms rather than backing away from them,” he said.

Saleh refers to an “ill will” on the part of authorities who closed down the newspapers, despite legal justifications.

“The law does not allow press institutions to have foreign shareholders,” he explained. “The ill will in the enforcement of this law is evidenced in the suspension of the six newspapers just one day before the declaration of the south’s secession, under the pretext that the shareholders are foreigners.”

He pointed out that Khartoum and Juba had agreed on a period of nine months to settle arrangements regarding the citizenship status of South Sudanese.

Professor Ali Shummo, chair of the National Council for Press and Publications, said his agency was not involved in the decision to suspend the newspapers partially owned by southerners.

“The resolution was issued by the government,” he said, “the council only implemented it.” He denied that press freedom is under any threat in Sudan.

But according to Saleh, a number of Sudanese journalists are in detention. One of them has been in custody for nine months without trial. Another who was sentenced to prison and already completed his term has not yet been released.

Saleh condemned judicial pressure on journalists, saying that the period following the south’s secession has seen an unprecedented number of legal actions against journalists and newspapers, including some carried out by security forces.

The only positive sign, he added, is a movement of resistance represented by the Sudanese Journalists’ Network.

Arbitrary Rules

Illustration by Khaled Bay (courtesy SudanVotes)

Adel al-Baz, chief editor of the daily al-Ahdath, links Sudan’s diminishing press freedom with recent political developments.

“If political events take an unstable and confrontational course, the press comes under pressure,” he said. “But if the situation becomes stable, press freedom will resume as it was during the transitional period.”

Referring to an “arbitrary use of law and power,” al-Baz has condemned the newspapers’ closure, saying it was completely unnecessary.

Fears of Censorship  

Amira al-Jaali, a reporter at the English daily The Citizen, one of the suspended publications, expressed doubts about the future of press freedom in Sudan and said she anticipated the return of newspaper censorship.

“The margin of freedom provided by (the 2005 peace agreement) will be reduced to a minimum and is likely to erode,” she said, because of the “lack of genuine conviction” on the part of Khartoum authorities.

“The return of censorship could mean liberal journalists might quit their profession and look for safer jobs elsewhere,” she added.

Less breathing room

Anwar Awad, the deputy editor-in-chief of the daily al-Akhbar, said worsening economic conditions also present a serious threat to newspapers’ survival.

These are aggravated by the state’s monopoly on advertising and distribution operations, he added, which contributed to economic hardship when workers placed under constraints were not paid their salaries on time.

Awad criticized governmental “indifference” for ongoing violations of press freedom in Sudan. He has accused the General Union of Sudanese Journalists of “vehemently seeking to amend the press and publications law, while keeping journalists’ registration in order to collect their fees.”

At the National Council for Press and Publications, Professor Shummo said the closure of the newspapers does not imply a cancellation of their operating licenses, adding there is still a chance to resolve the papers’ status “if the government agrees to it.”

The closure of six Sudanese newspapers represents another blow to press freedom, according to media watchdog organisations.

On 27 July, the Sudanese National Council for Press and Publications revoked the license of the daily newspaper Ajras Al-Hurriya.

Only days after South Sudan’s independence, Khartoum authorities froze publications of the Khartoum Monitor, the Juba Post, Sudan Tribune, The Advocate and The Democrat. The reason given was that publishers are required to be Sudanese citizens, and South Sudanese are now considered “foreigners” according to law.

Ajras al-Hurriya (“Bells of Freedom”) had already suspended its daily publication just before South Sudan’s secession because one of the shareholders of the company is a southerner.

The Cairo-based Arabic Network for Human Rights Information said the decision to halt publication of the Sudanese newspapers “has to be reviewed by (Khartoum) authorities.”

Interpretations of the closure range from mere respect of legal regulations to blatant censorship.

According to Al-Obeid Meruh, secretary-general of the Press Council, it has nothing to do with a decision to restrict press freedom. “The 2009 press act does not allow foreigners to be a part of the ownership of newspapers,” he told Agence France-Presse (AFP).

But to a journalist who wished to remain anonymous, that’s too simple an explanation. “It seems the council was not aware of this clause in the press act; now they’ve discovered it after twenty days of suspension,” she said.

Authorities revoked the operating license of the daily Ajras al-Hurriya and five other dailies because they are partially owned by South Sudanese citizens. © Zeinab Mohammed Saleh (courtesy SudanVotes))

“The decision of the council is wrong,” said Nabeel Adeeb, a lawyer. “The council has no right to revoke the license of a newspaper.”

Only when the newspaper has committed any violations does the court have the right to close down a publication, he explained. “The (Press) council is not independent because it had orders.”

Al-Hurriya has been suspended more than 12 times since its first publication.

Photo by: Hassan Farouk

“The letter to withdraw the license came only after (the council) imposed impossible conditions for re-certification, which confirms the bad faith by the board and the government,” Adeeb said.

All of the dailies shut down have links to South Sudan. Hussein Saad, Ajras Al-Hurriya’s managing director, said the closure of his paper is a purely political move; others call it “racist.”

“It is because the paper is close to the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) and the (Sudanese) opposition,” he told AFP.

1) The arrest of The Citizen newspaper, Editor-in_Chief, Nhial Bol for reporting about an attack on him and his driver; and the beating by security forces of one of the newspaper’s journalists for reporting about demolitions at Juba University.

2) The editor of the Juba Post was harassed and the newspaper was confiscated on March 31, 2011.

3) Bhagita Radio was threatened with closure by government officials.

4) Arabic newpapers, Al-Masir and Al-Istiqlal, both produced in the south but printed in the north were prohibited from being distributed in South Sudan.

5) U.N.-backed Miraya FM was warned by authorities to replace its staff or be shut down.

The media landscape in South Sudan is a complex one and Al Jazeera’s The Listening Post, which reports on media issues around the world, recently included a report on media freedom in the new Republic of South Sudan. The 25-minute episode begins with a report on journalist access into Syria. The situation for journalists in South Sudan follows (at 14:28).

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(source: Al Jazeera English; Some rights reserved: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/2.0/)

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I came across a video from a blog that is filled with independence wishes from Sudanese people from the north who offer their wishes and thoughts about the division of their country with the separation of the south and the independence of the Republic of South Sudan. Here it is below.

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Republic of South Sudan National Symbols

FLAG

(Official flag of the Republic of South Sudan)

Black represents the black African people of South Sudan. White represents Sudan peace for which many lives have been lost. Red represents the blood of the gallant freedom and justice fighters who have been lost in the many years of conflict. Green represents agricultural potential exemplified by the fertile soil and rich equatorial vegetation adorning the South Sudan countryside. Blue represents the River Nile, which is the main source of life not only in South Sudan but also in (north) Sudan and all the way to Egypt. The Star – represents unity of the states of South Sudan. The flag, therefore, signifies one nation of black Africans united in the struggle to perpetuate peace and prosperity for all the people of South Sudan.

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The design consists of an African Fish Eagle standing against a shield and spears. The eagle is depicted as looking towards its left shoulder with wings outstretched and it holds in its claws a scroll bearing the name of the state.^[3] The eagle signifies strength, resilience and vision with the shield and spears representing protection of the new state.

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NATIONAL ANTHEM

Oh God!

We praise and glorify you

For your grace on South Sudan

Land of great abundance

Uphold us united in peace and harmony

Oh motherland!

We rise raising flag with the guiding star

And sing songs of freedom with joy

For justice, liberty and prosperity

Shall forevermore reign

Oh great patriots!

Let us stand up in silence and respect

Saluting our martyrs whose blood

Cemented our national foundation

We vow to protect our nation

Oh God, bless South Sudan!

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Audio recording of Republic of South Sudan national anthem:

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New updated map of the world

(press play and zoom in to East African region)

I spoke with CHF‘s Munish Persaud to get an idea of what it was like on the ground in southern Sudan. He just returned from his most recent visit to the region on Monday, July 4 (2 days earlier) and provided a perspective of the situation facing the soon to be independent Republic of South Sudan.

We spoke of the Human Development Index (HDI) and South Sudan’s declined status within it after independence when its statistics are no longer shared with those from the north of Sudan. The 2010 HDI value for all of Sudan placed it 154th of 169 countries listed. Once South Sudan is newly listed, it’s expected to drop to near the lowest on the list. We discussed the huge influx of southern Sudanese returning from the north of the country to a lack of infrastructure when they arrived, like no schools for their children, not enough boreholes to provide drinking water, an absence of clinics and hospitals, a precarious food supply and little opportunity for employment. What peace dividends were the southern Sudanese receiving as improvements in their overall lives that can be associated with peacetime benefits?

In part 2 of Amandla’s coverage of South Sudan’s independence, Gwen Schulman speaks to Ugandan human rights advocate and close Sudan-watcher, Sam Olara, on more political challenges facing Africa’s newest country.

(source: Map No. 3707 Rev. 10, UNITED NATIONS, Department of Peacekeeping Operations Cartographic Section, April 2007)

I decided to look through my reference library to select articles and reports that address issues relating to the border that will divide the Republic of Sudan from the new Republic of South Sudan. If you know of any others to add to the collection, please contact me.

Selected Reports:

- (July 1, 2011) Beyond The Pledge: International Engagement After Sudan’s Comprehensive Peace Agreement by Aegis Trust, African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies, African Peace Forum, African Research and Resource Forum, Agency for Independent Media, Al-Khatim Adlan Center for Enlightenment and Human Development, Arab Coalition for Darfur, Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies, Community Empowerment and Progress Organisation (Sudan), Darfur Consortium, Darfur Relief and Documentation Centre, ENOUGH, Genocide Intervention Network / Save Darfur Coalition, Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, Global Witness, ICCO, International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH ), International Refugee Rights Initiative, Kenya Human Rights Commission, Sudan Democracy First Group, Sudanese Network for Democratic Elections, Waging Peace (download pdf 904KB).

- (June 26, 2011) Sudan Report by Sicuro Information (download pdf 6364KB).

- (June 15, 2011) Sudan: The Crisis in Darfur and the Status of the North-South Peace Agreement by Ted Dagne US Congressional Research Service  (download pdf 888KB).

- (June 2011) Peace in Both Sudans by Enough Project, Humanity United, Investors Against Genocide, et al (download pdf 196KB).

- (May 2011) Abyei: From a Shared Past to a Contested Future, Policy and Practice Brief by the African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (download pdf 2.6MB).

- (April , 2011) Abyei, Sudan’s West Bank by Enough Project, (download pdf 408KB).

- (Feb 22, 2011) South Sudan’s Referendum: Geopolitical and Geostrategic Implications an ISS Seminar Report (download pdf 120KB).

- (2010) When Boundaries Become Borders: the impact of boundary making in Southern Sudan’s frontier zones by Douglas H. Johnson The Rift Valley Institute  (download pdf 1.8MB).

- (2010) The Kafia Kingi Enclave: people, politics and history in the North – South boundary zone of western Sudan by Edward Thomas, The Rift Valley Institute  (download pdf 3.6MB).

- (Nov 23, 2010) Negotiating Sudan’s North-South Future, Africa Briefing No.76 by International Crisis Group (download pdf 1.8MB).

- (October 2010) Race Against Time: The countdown to the referenda in Southern Sudan and Abyei by Aly Verjee at the Rift Valley Institute (download pdf 1.3MB).

- (September 2010) More Than a Line: Sudan’s North – South Border by Concordia International (download pdf 2.5MB).

- (July 2, 2010) Sudan: Defining the North-South Border, Africa Briefing #75 by International Crisis Group (download pdf 1.3MB).

- (Mar 16, 2010) Preparing for Two Sudans by Maggie Fick at the Enough Project (download pdf 400KB).

- (Aug 2009) Scenarios for Sudan: avoiding political violence through 2011, Special Report 228 by United States Institute of Peace (download pdf 572KB).